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Monday Morning, Lebanon
July 22,
2003
Summary: Interview with a
member of the Lebanese Parliament. He critiques the government as
being sectarian and elitist, and names full representation
(proportional representation) as a possible solution.
Monday Morning, Lebanon
Lebanon still in thrall to the sectarian mindset
By MP Mohammad Kabbara
July 22, 2003 In the view of Member of Parliament Mohammad
Kabbara, a member of the Tripoli bloc in the legislature,
sectarianism is the principal obstacle to political and economic
progress in Lebanon is the continuing habit of its politicians to
see things through confessional spectacles. ’ÄúIn principle’Äù, he said,
’Äúwe have a democratic system in which Parliament plays a main role
in deciding policy and the future of the country. But this is not
the reality because Parliament’Äôs role is practically non-existent,
given our political practices and internal conflicts’Äù, which include
’Äúthe habit of the president, the speaker and the premier of taking
decisions and handling public matters by themselves, as was the case
during the ’Äòtroika’Äô, by dividing up the spoils in the name of
confessional balance. [This has] directly contributed to weakening
the legislature’Äôs ability to control the executive power. The
sectarian wheeling and dealing, the absence of national political
parties and the refusal of many to subordinate personal interests to
the wider interests of the state and society directly affect the
parliamentary regime and limit democratic practices’Äù, he argued. It
was, he added, the constant discord among the three senior leaders
which had ’Äúled to the state of paralysis we see in the
Administration today and its direct impact on the growing deficits,
the increasing burdens on the Treasury and the resulting
unemployment and emigration of the best and brightest of our young
people. Thus, their disagreements have led the people to lose hope
in the future’Äù. Is the government’Äôs performance improving, do you
think? Despite the grave situation the Lebanese people are facing
and the exceptional circumstances the region is going through, the
current government has displayed all the contradictions that
paralyzed its predecessor, such as constant discord among its
members and a concern to share the spoils of office instead of
promoting the good of the nation. And so the action of the cabinet
is paralyzed at all levels. The calm seen at the last two cabinet
meetings was deceptive; be sure there will be storms to come to
match those of the past, and the interests of the Lebanese people
will not be enhanced. In my view, the problem is that the system is
still mired down in sectarian attitudes. The only way out of the
mess is for the government to respect fundamental democratic
principles based on the separation of powers and respect for the
Constitution and the rights of citizens. In principle, we have a
democratic system in which Parliament plays a main role in deciding
policy and the future of the country. But this is not the reality
because Parliament’Äôs role is practically non-existent, given our
political practices and internal conflicts. The sectarian wheeling
and dealing, the absence of national political parties and the
refusal of many to subordinate personal interests to the wider
interests of the state and society directly affect the parliamentary
regime and limit democratic practices. Moreover, the habit of the
president, the speaker and the premier of taking decisions and
handling public matters by themselves, as was the case during the
’Äòtroika’Äô, by dividing up the spoils in the name of confessional
balance, has directly contributed to weakening the legislature’Äôs
ability to control the executive power. And this behavior of the
three senior leaders is proof that none of them respects the others’Äô
constitutional prerogatives. Political life in Lebanon often
depends on politicians ’Äòagreement or disagreement’Ķ The main
principle of any democratic system is the existence of an opposition
that reflects the vitality of the political life. Therefore, it is
through the divergence of opinions and the freedom of expression and
political movement that the main principle of democracy is applied.
But if you are referring to the senior officials’Äô agreement or
disagreement, it is their disagreements that have led to the state
of paralysis we see in the Administration today and its direct
impact on the growing deficits, the increasing burdens on the
Treasury and the resulting unemployment and emigration of the best
and brightest of our young people. Thus, their disagreements have
led the people to lose hope in the future. What is the position of
your Tripoli Front regarding the discord between the president and
the premier? It is not a merely matter of divergence of opinions
between the president and the premier, but rather that of a
deficiency in the regime which should be radically resolved. This
is why we refuse to get into the game of setting scores between the
president and the premier as if things were running smoothly in the
country. Before the Taef Agreement, the executive power was solely
vested in the president, who exercised it in collaboration with the
cabinet ministers, one of whom he chose to be prime minister. But
with his wide prerogatives, he was not considered responsible in a
way that conformed to any authentic democratic practice. After the
Taef Agreement, the president became bound to abide by the results
of the parliamentary consultations that preceded the nomination of a
prime minister. He was no longer free to choose whom he wanted. The
executive power became henceforth vested in the full cabinet, and
the appointment of ministers was subject to the assent of the prime
minister. The arrangement might have succeeded had it not been for
the sectarian attitudes that continue to dominate mindsets in this
country. The real problem is not that of prerogatives, but the
confessional considerations that basically reflect the interests of
the ruling class, not those of the Lebanese people. What is your
front’Äôs stance on the matter of expropriating land to build public
schools? And are the budget allocations given to North Lebanon
sufficient for that region’Äôs development? Unfortunately, every
subject discussed in the Council of Ministers ends up becoming a
contentious matter that revolves around the rights of this or that
religious confession. The expropriation issue is multifaceted since
it concerns the modernization and development of the infrastructure.
There is a proposal to build a second ’Äòpalace of congresses’Äô in
Beirut, and this too will require an expropriation of land. We
oppose this proposal, but we support the establishment of public
schools anywhere in the country. The important thing is to work
seriously according to a long-term plan, in order to help the
deprived regions catch up with the developed and prosperous regions.
For instance, is it reasonable to allocate to region where
illiteracy is no more than five percent of the population the same
amount as the regions of Tripoli and the North where illiteracy has
reached 20 percent? And is it reasonable to allocate to
impoverished regions in Tripoli the same sums as opulent areas in
the capital without giving due regard to their needs. We are
against the logic of dividing funds and developing certain regions
at the expense of others. Moreover, we reject the idea of
administrative decentralization and call for the application of a
plan that would give priority to the deprived regions so as to help
them catch up with the other areas. What is your perception of a
fair electoral law? One of the most important decisions in any
democratic regime is the adoption of an electoral law that would
allow the selection of the parliamentary representatives. But it is
difficult to enact one given that it is linked to the internal and
regional political situation and the interests of the ruling class.
So far, the Lebanese electoral laws have only aimed to ensure the
persistence of the ruling class. But any new electoral arrangement
that does not reflect the aspirations of the Lebanese citizens
represents a setback in the process of building the future. We need
a new electoral law that ensures an equitable representation of all
communities and regions. This is why the Tripoli Front proposed a
new electoral law based on the principle of proportional
representation. What do you think of the current international
initiative to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict, the so-called ’Äòroad
map’Äô? Can it succeed if Lebanon and Syria are not included in it?
The ’Äòmap’Äô embodies the American view of the problem, which is to
build a comprehensive settlement on a number of previous and partial
settlements. In any case, no comprehensive settlement can be
achieved if Lebanon and Syria are not fully involved. As to whether
the Americans’Äô can impose their vision of peace, this will depend on
whether they are willing to acknowledge the right of a people’Äôs
self-determination and on the ability of the US and the rest of the
international community to enforce whatever settlement is reached.
We in Lebanon must take care that no peace is put in place at the
expense of our vital interests. |
