Key Excerpt:
"Small pluralities, by the way, can already happen under the current system too. It may be advisable to institute some sort of runoff system eventually - either "instant" (through the designation of second choices on the first ballot) or through a second election, which Denver already uses."
Full Text:
We loved the caucuses, we truly did. They were just right for their time. Party members from each precinct gathered in somebody's living room on a spring evening every election year, ate cookies, passionately talked politics and elected delegates to county, district and state assemblies, where primary candidates were selected.
Unfortunately, their time has passed, and our love is dead - as dead as the caucuses themselves.
Now they need to be put out of their misery. Amendment 29 makes it painless. We urge you to vote for it. It would make the petition system - already an option - the exclusive method for getting on the primary ballot. But it would greatly reduce the number of signatures needed. That in fact is the main appeal of the proposal.
Caucuses were reasonably well attended into the 1980s. Now they're not; the parties' county chairmen still work for hours to encourage attendance through phone calls and leafleting, to little or no avail.
What killed the caucuses? Changing laws and changing lifestyles.
1) In 1987, the legislature changed the requirement for making the primary ballot from 20 percent of the delegate vote to 30 percent. That's a big jump, and an increasing number of candidates chose to bypass the caucuses and circulate petitions in order to be sure of making the ballot.
2) Passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act a dozen years ago meant that political events could no longer be held in private homes that didn't offer wheelchair access - as most don't. Parties had to rent high schools or churches instead. That's expensive and complicated, so as many as a dozen precincts would use one facility. So much for the "neighborhood" caucus.
3) Colorado grew fast during the past 20 years and most newcomers were unfamiliar with the caucus system, which survives in only a few states. The fact that it's hard to explain didn't do anything to encourage attendance.
4) People became too busy, or too reluctant, to go to a strange place and talk politics with people they probably didn't know. These days, people form their friendships where they work, not where they live. Neighborhoods aren't as cohesive as they once were.
Under Amendment 29, the number of signatures needed to make a congressional primary would remain at 1,000. But the number needed for governor or U.S. senator would drop from 10,500 to 5,000. Requirements for lesser offices would also drop proportionately.
This isn't a perfect proposal. But at least it's a proposed statute, not a constitutional amendment. That means the legislature can adjust the signature requirements if too many candidates turn up on primary ballots and winners garner embarrassingly small pluralities. There's no need to organize another initiative.
Small pluralities, by the way, can already happen under the current system too. It may be advisable to institute some sort of runoff system eventually - either "instant" (through the designation of second choices on the first ballot) or through a second election, which Denver already uses.
Believers in the caucus-assembly system like to brag that it helps the party weed out the nutcakes before they make it to the finals. We're not sure that's true, but if Amendment 29 helps elect some nutcakes they're welcome to try and reinstitute a new caucus system.
But to be resurrected it must first be killed.
"Small pluralities, by the way, can already happen under the current system too. It may be advisable to institute some sort of runoff system eventually - either "instant" (through the designation of second choices on the first ballot) or through a second election, which Denver already uses."
Full Text:
We loved the caucuses, we truly did. They were just right for their time. Party members from each precinct gathered in somebody's living room on a spring evening every election year, ate cookies, passionately talked politics and elected delegates to county, district and state assemblies, where primary candidates were selected.
Unfortunately, their time has passed, and our love is dead - as dead as the caucuses themselves.
Now they need to be put out of their misery. Amendment 29 makes it painless. We urge you to vote for it. It would make the petition system - already an option - the exclusive method for getting on the primary ballot. But it would greatly reduce the number of signatures needed. That in fact is the main appeal of the proposal.
Caucuses were reasonably well attended into the 1980s. Now they're not; the parties' county chairmen still work for hours to encourage attendance through phone calls and leafleting, to little or no avail.
What killed the caucuses? Changing laws and changing lifestyles.
1) In 1987, the legislature changed the requirement for making the primary ballot from 20 percent of the delegate vote to 30 percent. That's a big jump, and an increasing number of candidates chose to bypass the caucuses and circulate petitions in order to be sure of making the ballot.
2) Passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act a dozen years ago meant that political events could no longer be held in private homes that didn't offer wheelchair access - as most don't. Parties had to rent high schools or churches instead. That's expensive and complicated, so as many as a dozen precincts would use one facility. So much for the "neighborhood" caucus.
3) Colorado grew fast during the past 20 years and most newcomers were unfamiliar with the caucus system, which survives in only a few states. The fact that it's hard to explain didn't do anything to encourage attendance.
4) People became too busy, or too reluctant, to go to a strange place and talk politics with people they probably didn't know. These days, people form their friendships where they work, not where they live. Neighborhoods aren't as cohesive as they once were.
Under Amendment 29, the number of signatures needed to make a congressional primary would remain at 1,000. But the number needed for governor or U.S. senator would drop from 10,500 to 5,000. Requirements for lesser offices would also drop proportionately.
This isn't a perfect proposal. But at least it's a proposed statute, not a constitutional amendment. That means the legislature can adjust the signature requirements if too many candidates turn up on primary ballots and winners garner embarrassingly small pluralities. There's no need to organize another initiative.
Small pluralities, by the way, can already happen under the current system too. It may be advisable to institute some sort of runoff system eventually - either "instant" (through the designation of second choices on the first ballot) or through a second election, which Denver already uses.
Believers in the caucus-assembly system like to brag that it helps the party weed out the nutcakes before they make it to the finals. We're not sure that's true, but if Amendment 29 helps elect some nutcakes they're welcome to try and reinstitute a new caucus system.
But to be resurrected it must first be killed.
Election Day '09 was a roller-coaster for election reformers. Instant runoff voting had a great night in Minnesota, where St. Paul voters chose to implement IRV for its city elections, and Minneapolis voters used IRV for the first time—with local media touting it as a big success. As the Star-Tribune noted in endorsing IRV for St. Paul, Tuesday’s elections give the Twin Cities a chance to show the whole state of Minnesota the benefits of adopting IRV. There were disappointments in Lowell and Pierce County too, but high-profile multi-candidate races in New Jersey and New York keep policymakers focused on ways to reform elections; the Baltimore Sun and Miami Herald were among many newspapers publishing commentary from FairVote board member and former presidential candidate John Anderson on how IRV can mitigate the problems of plurality elections.