Race for Congress leaves 90% outPoliticians and talking heads have been carrying on for months about today's close contest to determine whether Republicans or Democrats will control the levers of power in Congress. And rightly so.
A net shift of as few as seven seats could strip Republican House Speaker Dennis Hastert of his majority and give it to Democratic leader Richard Gephardt. Their dramatically different agendas on spending, tax policy and federal programs will affect what Congress does in the next two years.
Less often mentioned is that fewer than 10% of the nation's voters have any real voice in that choice.
In 90% of the country, today's congressional races were essentially decided long ago. State legislatures, eager to make seats safe for their parties, have gerrymandered district boundaries so that fewer than 40 of the nation's 435 House seats are really competitive.
In 90% of the country, today's congressional races were essentially decided long ago. State legislatures, eager to make seats safe for their parties, have gerrymandered district boundaries so that fewer than 40 of the nation's 435 House seats are really competitive.
In 64 districts, the population is so lopsidedly Democratic or Republican there's only one major-party name on the ballot. That includes four out of the seven seats in Alabama, five out of 11 in Virginia and 10 out of 23 in Florida.
Another 300 seats are so configured that even when there is competition the result is usually a landslide. Fewer than one in 10 House races in 1998 were decided by a margin of less than 10%.
The United States is the only major democracy that lets its politicians pick the voters before the voters get to pick the politicians. And that applies not just for congressional districts, but also for the legislatures themselves and other bodies where the opportunity exists.
In other countries, among them Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain, non-partisan technocrats draft district boundaries based on common-sense factors such as geographic compactness and unity of counties and cities, not incumbent protection or party convenience.
Iowa has pioneered here with a similar approach, and while some districts still lean to one party or another, a far greater proportion at least give voters a meaningful choice.
Soon the results of the 2000 Census will be in, requiring redrawing of almost every legislative district in the country, and the process will begin anew.
But prospects for improvement are slim. There is no strong movement to promote reform. But there should be. The care and feeding of representative democracy is too important to be left to the politicians.
A net shift of as few as seven seats could strip Republican House Speaker Dennis Hastert of his majority and give it to Democratic leader Richard Gephardt. Their dramatically different agendas on spending, tax policy and federal programs will affect what Congress does in the next two years.
Less often mentioned is that fewer than 10% of the nation's voters have any real voice in that choice.
In 90% of the country, today's congressional races were essentially decided long ago. State legislatures, eager to make seats safe for their parties, have gerrymandered district boundaries so that fewer than 40 of the nation's 435 House seats are really competitive.
In 90% of the country, today's congressional races were essentially decided long ago. State legislatures, eager to make seats safe for their parties, have gerrymandered district boundaries so that fewer than 40 of the nation's 435 House seats are really competitive.
In 64 districts, the population is so lopsidedly Democratic or Republican there's only one major-party name on the ballot. That includes four out of the seven seats in Alabama, five out of 11 in Virginia and 10 out of 23 in Florida.
Another 300 seats are so configured that even when there is competition the result is usually a landslide. Fewer than one in 10 House races in 1998 were decided by a margin of less than 10%.
The United States is the only major democracy that lets its politicians pick the voters before the voters get to pick the politicians. And that applies not just for congressional districts, but also for the legislatures themselves and other bodies where the opportunity exists.
In other countries, among them Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain, non-partisan technocrats draft district boundaries based on common-sense factors such as geographic compactness and unity of counties and cities, not incumbent protection or party convenience.
Iowa has pioneered here with a similar approach, and while some districts still lean to one party or another, a far greater proportion at least give voters a meaningful choice.
Soon the results of the 2000 Census will be in, requiring redrawing of almost every legislative district in the country, and the process will begin anew.
But prospects for improvement are slim. There is no strong movement to promote reform. But there should be. The care and feeding of representative democracy is too important to be left to the politicians.