Washington
Post
Scandal
in the House
November
4, 2004
THE REPUBLICANS picked up at least two extra seats in the House
of Representatives on Tuesday; two runoffs in Louisiana may expand
their majority further. But this election, like all recent House
elections, was most notable for what did not change. Out of 435
House races, incumbents lost only seven -- an even more impressive
survival rate than that of two years ago, when eight incumbents were
defeated. In nearly all House races, moreover, there was no serious
doubt about the outcome: 95 percent of races were decided by a
margin of more than 10 percent, according to the Center for Voting
and Democracy, and an astonishing 83 percent were decided in
20-point-plus landslides.
The main cause of the incumbents' success is the country's
scandalous system for designing voter districts. Instead of
entrusting the design to nonpartisan technocrats, the U.S. system
entrusts it to state legislatures, allowing the majority party to
promote partisan ends. The partisans feed demographic and polling
data into their computers and come up with district boundaries that
give their sides as many safe seats as possible. Because this
process involves crowding opposition voters into a handful of
opposition districts, it creates safe seats for both parties and an
incentive for incumbents on both sides not to rock the boat. But in
some states the majority party gerrymanders districts to create
magical results. Pennsylvania's 19 districts, carved out by the
Republican-controlled legislature, elected 12 Republicans on Tuesday
-- even though Sen. John F. Kerry carried the state by more than
100,000 votes.
The darkest wizardry occurred in Texas. There, the state
Republican Party redrew the districts of five white Democrats,
hoping to unseat all of them so that the Democrats would become
identified as the party of minorities. The plan succeeded in four
cases (outside Texas, a grand total of three incumbents were
defeated anywhere). Rep. Charles W. Stenholm, a long-serving
conservative Democrat who had been forced to run in a
Republican-leaning district against a Republican incumbent, went
down in defeat, as did three others who had pulled the Democratic
caucus toward the center.
The Texas redistricting faces a court challenge. But whatever the
legal outcome, it's clear that these schemes are an inversion of
democracy: Politicians get to choose their voters, rather than the
other way around. Incumbent members of Congress face little threat
of being unseated and so have little reason to be responsive to
voters; their chief vulnerability lies in the threat of a primary,
which encourages them to play to party activists. As The Post's
David S. Broder has written, the upshot is that independent
moderates are a shrinking force in the House of Representatives. In
the 1970s, on the partisan roll calls, the average member backed the
party position 65 percent of the time. In the 1980s, the average
degree of partisan loyalty rose to 73 percent; in the 1990s, 81
percent; and in 2001-02 the partisanship index hit a remarkable 87
percent.
If the nation is going to work toward the bipartisan civility that
President Bush and Mr. Kerry invoked yesterday, a tough look at
redistricting needs to be part of the effort.
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