E-mail Archives


7/2/98

To: CV&D Core List

Fr: Rob Richie, Director

Re: Transferable Ballots w/Instant Runoff and Choice Voting: Not

    "all-or-nothing" in Northern Ireland and Santa Clara, Calif.

 

As we head into the fireworks of July 4th, let us take a moment to reflect upon the value of a modest, but very significant reform -- the transferable ballot. It's been some 140 years since Great Britain's Thomas Hare published his famous book on the "single transferable vote" and John Stuart Mill become an enthusiastic and eloquent supporter. Electoral reformers in the English- speaking world have been put much energy into advocating transferable ballots in the years hence. They have had significant successes along with their great disappointments. 

Note that the transferable ballot can be used as a proportional representation system in multi-seat districts (what we call "choice voting") and in one-winner elections  (what we call "instant runoff voting"). I believe both changes provide significant and similar improvements, perhaps pointing to a distinction to make between transferable ballot systems and non-transferable ballots ones. Just as plurality and majority systems can be lumped together as "winner-take-all" systems, non-transferable ballot systems can be lumped together as "all-or-nothing." All-or- nothing systems with proportional representation of course give a good more "all" than "nothing", but they generally do force the voter into a "vote for one" choice that has an impact on the psychology behind campaigns and elections. 

Following are a few items on transferable ballot systems. Note that instant runoff voting is getting a dramatic increase in attention in the US -- more news on that shortly, but for those following this year's elections, Alabama's runoff in the Republican gubernatorial primary this week and New Mexico's special congressional election won last week with 45% are just the latest examples of IRV's relevance in the United States. 

Several items relate to Northern Ireland's elections last week -- a triumph for both the concept of PR and transferable ballots.

1. Instant runoff voting:  
       - The draft of a possible ballot argument for instant runoff      voting in Santa Clara County, California.

       - An analysis of the costs of runoff elections for  candidates in Santa Clara by Steve Chessin of Northern  California Citizens for PR -- part of the effort to  persuade the commission to recommend instant runoff  voting. (Steve has been busy -- in June he gave several  well-attended, well-received presentations at the League of Women Voters national conference.)

2. Northern Ireland

  - Irish Times editorials
       - Irish Times news story on the system 

       - Steve Chessin's letter protesting AP's "complexity"

                         # # #

1. IRV -- Santa Clara

(Here is the draft of a possible ballot argument for instant runoff   voting in Santa Clara County, California, where a charter commission likely will recommend that instant runoff voting be made an official option to traditional runoff elections.)

       Instant Runoff Voting (IRV) combines the best features of our runoff system and traditional plurality elections. It produces a majority result in a single election, just as if a runoff had been held, by allowing voters to indicate their second (and additional) choices in case their first choice fails to win.        IRV is a proven system. It has been used for decades, inthe Republic of Ireland to elect their President, and in Australia to elect their House of Representatives. Many US organizations use it as well.

       IRV shortens the election cycle. Candidates only have to campaign once, and voters only have to pay attention once. The current system puts five months between the primary and therunoff. With IRV the result is known after one election.

       IRV reduces the cost of campaigns. Candidates only have to raise funds once, and the county only has to pay for one election. Most elections for open seats have resulted in runoffs -- take the current Sheriff's race as an example. With IRV the public gets a majority winner with only one trip to the polls.        IRV reduces negative campaigning. Since each candidate has to appeal to the supporters of other candidates for their second choice votes, there is less incentive to sling mud.

       The current system discourages many good people from running for office, because of the high probability of having to raise funds twice and campaign twice. IRV spares candidates (and their families, and the voters!) the pain and agony of two elections for a single office.

       We strongly urge a Yes vote on Measure ___. We are the home of cutting edge technology. Let's be the home of cutting edge democracy.

                               * * *

(Below is a May 26, 1998 memo to the Santa Clara County Charter Review Committee prepared by Steve Chessin -- a Board member of Northern California Citizens for Proportional Representation -- that details the costs to candidates of having to compete in runoff elections. Instant runoff voting is an obviously sensible alternative to traditional runoff elections.)

The following is a compilation of the amount of money spent on various Board of Supervisor elections by candidates, compiled from the reports filed with the Registrar of Voters.

1997 District 1 Special Election 

Candidate                 2/4 Primary                  3/18 Runoff

                               vote         spent           vote   spent

Don Gage                28.4         $64,535       55.2   $87,236

Rosemary Kamei      18.0         $113,212     44.9   $91,890

Keith Honda              15.6         $82,299          x

John Redding            15.6           $46,229        x

Tom Kruse               9.9              (*)               x

Steve Blanton            9.4           $30,713         x

Linn Dao                  3.1           $1,000           x

       (* Campaign finance reports not found.)

1996 District 2 (Appointed Incumbent)

Candidate         3/26 Primary      Nov 5th General

                            vote    spent        vote   spent

Blanca Alvarado (AI) 52.1  $170,578     x

Scott Mathieson       47.9    $68,861        x

 

1996 District 3 (Open Seat)

Candidate         Mar 26th Primary   Nov 5th General

                  vote   $ spent     % vote       $spent

Pete McHugh         45.8   $254,112     51.0      $124,536

Patricia Sausedo  32.9   $274,153     49.0      $242,203

Jim Canova           10.8   $6,745          x

Brian Brunner       10.5   <$1,000         x

 

1996 District 5 (Open Seat) 

Candidate      3/26 Primary                  Nov 5th General

                        % vote         $ spent        % vote         $spent

Joe Simitian        39.9        $220,076        57.3   $183,853

Barbara Koeppel 46.5       $166,692         42.7   $105,149

Mark O'Conner    13.6         $51,343         x

 

1994 District 1 (Elected Incumbent)

Candidate      6/7 Primary                   Nov 8th General

                          % vote         $ spent        % vote         $

spent

Mike Honda (I)   60.7          $314,250        x

Joe Martucci      15.6           $16,518         x

John Sorci         13.5           $39,394         x

Charles Moore   10.2         $3,486          x

 

1994 District 4 (Open Seat)

Candidate      6/7 Primary                   Nov 8th General

                      % vote         $ spent        % vote         $ spent

Jim Beall         54.4           $217,121        x      

Everett Souza  29.2           $43,246         x

Ted McElhone   16.4        <$1,000         x     

 

1992 District 2 (Elected Incumbent)

Candidate      6/2 Primary                   Nov 3rd General

                        % vote         $ spent        % vote         $

spent

Zoe Lofgren (I) 66.3          $224,235        x

Joe Czosek      33.7          (*)            x

       (* Campaign finance reports not found.)

 

1992 District 3 (Elected Incumbent)

Candidate      6/2 Primary                   Nov 3rd General

                       % vote         $ spent        % vote         $ spent


Ron Gonzales (I)  66.2        $222,565        x

R. Dale Detwiler  33.8        (*)                      x

       (* Campaign finance reports not found.)

 

1992 District 5 (Elected Incumbent)

Candidate      6/2 Primary                   Nov 3rd General

               % vote         $ spent        % vote         $ spent

Diane McKenna (I) 100.0           33,022         x

                               * * *

2. NORTHERN IRELAND:

       Although some American news stories emphasized the

"complicated" and "complex" nature of the choice voting / single

transferable vote system of PR, most stories in the end found that

the elections were a real success. Note that soon we will put the

actual results of the elections in different constituencies on our

web site, but here is an overall summary -- even the small parties

tended to win their proportional share of seats despite the 14%

threshold in each constituency. The Irish Times had several good

news stories and editorials. After the results are a few examples.


BELFAST, Northern Ireland (AP, 6/27/98) -- Final results from

the election for 108 members of the Northern Ireland Assembly.

The first figure shows number of seats won, with the total

percentage of first-preference votes in parentheses.

       The Catholic and cross-community parties all support the

Belfast peace agreement. Among Protestants, the Ulster Unionists

and Progressive Unionists form a pro-agreement bloc of 30, while

the 28 others oppose the agreement.

  

   British Protestant

   Ulster Unionists: 28 (21.3 percent)

   Progressive Unionists: 2 (2.6)

  

   Democratic Unionists: 20 (18.0)

   United Kingdom Unionists: 5 (4.5)

   Independents: 3 (2.4)

  

   Irish Catholic

   Social Democratic and Labor Party: 24 (22.0)

   Sinn Fein: 18 (17.6)

  

   Cross-community

   Alliance: 6 (6.5)

   Women's Coalition: 2 (1.6)

 

   The Irish Times - editorial, Monday, June 29, 1998

                 A FUNCTIONING DEMOCRACY

     Now should be the time to rejoice and celebrate a new birth of

democracy. The people of Northern Ireland have brought into

being an assembly which is democratic, representative of the

community in all its shades and variations and which is set to

give it extensive control of its own affairs on a basis of shared

authority. There are obstacles to be overcome and there are large

and legitimate currents of dissent. But these will be addressed

within the institutional framework which has been adopted at

referendum by more than 70 per cent of the population. The

Assembly will stand at the centre of Northern Ireland's political

future and it will work......


   The Irish Times - editorial, Saturday, June 27, 1998

PROPOSED MERGER IS ALMOST A DONE DEAL

[The first part of this editorial reports on a party merger taking

place in the Republic of Ireland. The second part has an excellent

summary of the impact of PR -- and transferable ballots in

particular -- in Northern Ireland.]

 

       ....There was intense interest in Leinster House this week

in the strongly contested Assembly election in the North, coupled

with a sense of relief that we were not ourselves involved because

deputies quite simply do not like elections. There is some

satisfaction at the apparently good vote recorded by the SDLP

[the major Catholic party]. Some months ago there was a fear that

they might be eclipsed by Sinn F�in but they have now reverted

to their approximate figures of recent elections.

      While the final results of the Northern election will

presumably not be available until sometime later today, the

indications suggest that a sizeable majority of the seats will be

taken by candidates who are prepared to work the Agreement.

With all the built-in voting margins that are necessary the overall

result may not be clearcut until the Assembly actually meets and

votes but it does seem that it will be able to work as intended.

There will be relief at this in many quarters.

   The splits in unionism are quite remarkable and the way the

formerly monolithic vote has fragmented would have been

disastrous for them in a first-past-the-post system. Ironically, what

will save them is the Irish form of proportional representation

which has been adopted in the North for Assembly and local

elections. Transfers of a lower order may be even more important

in the North than they are in the Republic's elections and there

may well be some surprising people elected as a result.

   The whole process of the Assembly's workings and the

selection of a chief minister and deputy chief minister, together

with other members of the executive, will be a fascinating study

in the months to come. The 94 per cent majority of people down

here who voted for the Agreement will fervently want the whole

thing to work and at least the prospects this morning are

relatively hopeful.

                               * * *

        The Irish Times - News:   Wednesday, June 24, 1998

                     HOW THE VOTING WILL WORK

       A total of 1,178,583 people are entitled to vote in

Northern Ireland's Assembly elections tomorrow. This is almost

3,000 more than in last month's referendum on the Belfast

Agreement, in which the 71.1 per cent Yes vote paved the way

for the Assembly.

       Each of the 1,228 polling stations opens at 7 a.m., and

voting will continue until 10 p.m. Counting begins in all 18

constituencies at 9 a.m. on Friday, with an average of 45 counting

staff in each count centre. All the Belfast counts will take place

at the City Hall, and the remainder in eight regional centres.

       There is no time limit for completion of the counts, but at

about teatime on Friday local returning officers will decide

whether to suspend the counting operation for the night or

continue....

       The 18 constituencies average about 66,000 voters each

and will elect 108 representatives, six per constituency. This

means one Assembly member for every 11,000 voters. In the

Republic, about 2.7 million voters elect 166 TDs to the D�il,

more than 16,000 electors for each TD.

       When the Assembly election was being planned, the

smaller political parties wanted a "top-up" system whereby a

small number of seats would be set aside and shared among the

top 10 parties by votes gained overall.

       This was not agreed at the multi-party talks which led to

the adoption of the Belfast Agreement. Instead, an election

offering six seats in each constituency was proposed. The larger

parties said that six-seater constituencies would ensure adequate

representation for smaller groups, although the small parties were

dissatisfied with this.

       The highest number of candidates in any constituency is

Strangford's 22. East Belfast has 20 while, at the other end of the

spectrum, Mid-Ulster has only 13. There are 296 candidates

overall.

       Proportional representation voting is not new to Northern

Ireland: it is used in European and local elections. Only in

Westminster elections is the first-past-the-post system used.


                              * * *

   The Irish Times - Editorial,  Thursday, June 25, 1998

 

[Note the remark that the system can seem daunting,

but is good for voters and rather a simple calculation

for them in the end.]

 

                NORTH'S DAY OF DESTINY (editorial)

                                    

       Today, the dangerous vacuum in political life which

Northern Ireland has endured in the years of direct rule from

Westminster is to be remedied in considerable measure. More

than 27 years after the suspension of Stormont, the electorate goes

out to choose a representative assembly which will sit at the

centre of Northern Ireland's new political structures. It is a day

which many believed they would never see and which even a few

short months ago might have been considered impossible.

       For some, it is a day they earnestly hoped they would not

see. As yesterday's reckless attack in Newtownhamilton and the

previous day's attempted mine-trap, also in South Armagh,

illustrated, those who cling to the bomb and the bullet have not

gone away - to borrow a phrase. And aligned with them, in

mindset if not necessarily in methods, are the elements within

each community which still resist the notion of sharing power.

They are the supremacists - both nationalist and unionist - who

have domination rather than accommodation as their credo.

       More than 280 candidates from over a dozen parties are

contending for the Assembly's 108 seats. By contrast with the

straightforward first-past-the-post electoral system which is used

for Westminster elections, it may appear a daunting challenge to

the voter. Anything between 20 and 22 candidates' names may

appear on some of the ballot papers. Proportional representation

is both taxing and satisfying from the voter's point of view. It

demands judgment while allowing the franchise to be exercised

in a manner which is sophisticated and often subtle.

       But in fundamentals, the voters' choice is not nearly as

difficult as it might at first seem. They are asked to choose

between the way of compromise and the way of continuing

confrontation. In each constituency there are candidates who stand

for dialogue, for compromise and for the values of mutual respect

and esteem. Conversely, there are candidates who wish to be in

the Assembly only to frustrate the agenda solemnised in the

Belfast Agreement. Every voter faces a straight choice between

the forces of reconciliation and those of retrenchment.

       At constituency level, after that, all sorts of tactical voting

is possible and it will be intriguing to see how votes may transfer

across traditional lines. Voters will have to decide if they are

willing to give second or subsequent preferences to those whom

they have traditionally regarded as rivals - in order to block the

progress of some whom they would until recently have regarded

as allies. The choice is between a continuation of the past and

seeking to make a new future in which old certainties, old

loyalties and old alignments have lost much of their meaning.

       The people of Northern Ireland who have been bombed,

shot, harassed, intimidated, threatened, ground down and in many

individual instances brought to the limits of human endurance,

have their day today. If it can be said of any people that they

deserve to find peace and normality it must be true of them. They

must have the good wishes and the encouragement of all as they

step out today with the chance to make a new future and to shape

their own destiny.

                               * * *


[At least three CV&D members -- Steve Chessin of California,

Kathleen Barber of Cleveland and Ken Bearman of Minnesota

wrote good letters to media outlets -- protesting the use of

"complex" and "complicated". Here is Steve's letter to Associated

Press.]


       Please forward this message to whomever is responsible

for your wire stories on the Northern Ireland Assembly elections.

       I take exception to your characterization of the system of

proportional representation used to elect the new Northern Ireland

Assembly as "complex". (See, for example, your story dated

Wednesday June 24.) Since many news outlets repeat your stories

verbatim, you are affecting the coverage of this event all across

the United States.

       Sure, this system is unfamiliar to most Americans, but that

doesn't mean it's difficult to understand. Over thirty million

people around the world use this system, known variously as

Choice Voting, Preference Voting with Multiple Winners, and the

Single Transferable Vote (STV). The Irish have used Choice

Voting for decades to elect their legislature, as have the

Australians for electing their upper house. New York City has

used it since the 1940's to elect their school boards, as has

Cambridge, Massachusetts for electing their city council and their

school board.

       Proportional representation results in better diversity of

representation, and because fewer votes are wasted turnout is

invariably higher. Choice Voting involves ranking the candidates

in your order of preference, just like making a "top ten" list. It's

as simple as one, two, three.

       In fact, because Choice Voting results in better diversity

than traditional winner-take-all elections, the Academy of Motion

Picture Arts and Sciences uses it to select the Oscar Nominees

(they may have a different name for it, but it's the same system

as used for the Northern Ireland Assembly). No slight intended,

but if your typical Hollywood movie producer/actor/director

understands this system, just how complicated can it be?